Chubais, Anatoly Borisovich


Name: Anatoly Chubais

Middle name: Borisovich

Birthday: June 16 1955 (64 years old)

Place of Birth: Borisov, Belarus

Height: 180 cm

Weight: 84 kg

Eastern horoscope: Goat

Photo: Anatoly Chubais


Anatoly Chubais is a notable political figure in Russia, whose activities are widely known and noted by the Russian and world public. He entered big politics in the early 90s, at the time of the collapse of the USSR, and went a successful career path to the heights of power from a city official to the country's finance minister.

Hammer of Truth | Russia | AntiMaydan. 08/23/2014. Dmitry Krasnoukhov: “Chubais sent a veiled appeal to oligarchs to.

The politician’s name is associated with ambiguous economic reforms, in particular global privatization, to which Russians today are categorically negative. But this did not prevent the economist from becoming the best finance minister in 1997, according to leading world professional communities.

Childhood and youth

Anatoly Borisovich Chubais was born in the Belarusian city of Borisov in the family of a military man. Father Boris Matveevich, a retired colonel and veteran of the Great Patriotic War, taught the philosophy of Marx and Lenin at the Leningrad Mining Institute. Mother Raisa Khamovna, Jewish by nationality and economist by profession, devoted her life to her husband and raising children. The politician is the second child in the family, he has an older brother Igor, who went in the footsteps of his father and became a doctor of philosophical sciences.

For several years now, on my birthday, I have been asking those who want to congratulate me to do so.

Between the brothers, as Igor told in an interview, there is no special contact:

“While we were ordinary people, there were no problems. As soon as Tolik became an official, they parted. ”

They only saw each other at the funeral of their parents and congratulate each other on their birthday on the phone. Chubais Sr. believes in God, does not share the younger views on life.

Anatoly Borisovich from childhood knew all the "charms" of garrison life, brought up in severity. He repeatedly became an involuntary witness to high-profile discussions between his father and brother about politics and philosophy, which, apparently, influenced the choice of a future profession. Chubais preferred the economic direction to the philosophical one, therefore from the school bench he emphasized exact sciences.

In the 1st grade, the future head of Rusnano entered Odessa, which was connected with the service of his father. Later he had a chance to study in Lviv and only in the 5th grade to move to Leningrad. There Anatoly was sent to school No. 188 with military-political education. As an adult, the politician admitted that he hated the school and even tried to disassemble it into bricks, but the idea failed.

In 1972, Anatoly Chubais became a student at the Faculty of Mechanical Engineering at the Leningrad Institute of Engineering and Economics. In 1977, he left the university with honors, and in 1983 he successfully defended his dissertation and became a candidate of economic sciences. The financier began his career in his native university as an engineer, assistant and associate professor.

The beginning of the 90s, the young government of Russia. Yegor is 37, I am 38. This age for ministers is no longer surprising, but.

In parallel with this, the future politician joined the CPSU and, with his like-minded people, created an informal circle of democratically-minded Leningrad economists, with whom he began to actively conduct seminars. The purpose of these meetings was to promote democratic ideas in the broad masses of intelligent people. At one of these seminars, Chubais met the future head of the government of the Russian Federation, Yegor Gaidar, which set the future direction of an economist's career.


In the late 80s, Anatoly Chubais founded the Perestroika club, whose members were many well-known economists who, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, occupied not the last posts in the Russian government. "Young reformers" were able to attract the attention of the future political elite of Leningrad, therefore, after the election of Anatoly Sobchak to the post of chairman of the Lensovet, Chubais was appointed deputy leader as the leader of the democratic movement, as his political views and ideas appealed to the regional leadership.

Exhibition "Far Eastern Projects in the NANO Format". Khabarovsk

In September 1991, Anatoly Borisovich was offered the position of chief adviser on economic development at the Municipality of Leningrad, after which he created a working group to develop an internal strategy for the Russian Federation. And three months earlier, Vladimir Putin became an adviser to the mayor, but already on foreign economic relations.

Writer and publicist Oleg Moroz, author of books on Russian history, believes that Chubais underestimates his own efforts to advance Vladimir Vladimirovich to the top of power. Perhaps because the attitude of both politicians towards the current realities is different.

Anatoly Chubais, Anatoly Sobchak and Vladimir Putin Petersburg, 90s of XX century

“Putin’s presidency is rightly divided into two phases: the first four years and the second four years. I believe that the first four years were much more productive and largely focused on continuing Yeltsin’s course, the course of reform. And in the second four years, other priorities appeared to a large extent, with many of which I do not agree. About which, by the way, I have repeatedly spoken about publicly. ”

In November of the same year, Chubais became the head of the State Committee of the Russian Federation for State Property Management, and in 1992 he was appointed Deputy Prime Minister of Russia under President Boris Yeltsin.

With the Prime Minister of the Perm Territory Valery Sukhikh and Marat Gelman at the Perm Museum of Modern Art

At the new post, Anatoly Chubais, with a team of colleagues, developed a privatization program and carried out its technical preparation. The privatization campaign in the country, as a result of which about 130 thousand state enterprises were in private hands, is still widely discussed in society and is considered categorically unsatisfactory. But this did not prevent the politician from moving up the career ladder and holding more and more significant posts in the political arena.

At the end of 1993, Anatoly Chubais became a State Duma deputy from the Choice of Russia party, and in November of the same year he was appointed to the post of first deputy prime minister of the country. Then he was elected head of the Federal Commission for the Stock Market and Securities.

In 1996, a political economist led the election campaign of Boris Yeltsin in the presidential race, for which he created the Civil Society Foundation, which raised the rating of the Russian leader and led him to victory in the elections. For this, Yeltsin appointed Chubais the head of the presidential administration, and a few months later he assigned the rank of real state adviser to the Russian Federation of the 1st class.

In 1997, the economist again became the first deputy prime minister of the Russian Federation, at the same time he took over the post of Minister of Finance of the country. But in the spring of 1998, he resigned along with the entire Cabinet of Viktor Chernomyrdin.

With President of Ireland Mary McAleese

In 1998, Anatoly Chubais was elected head of the board of RAO UES of Russia. Here he also noted a large-scale reform, which included the restructuring of all holding structures and the transfer of most of their shares to private investors. Some members of the joint-stock company for such activities began to call Chubais "the worst manager of Russia."

In 2008, the Russian energy company UES of Russia was liquidated, and Anatoly Borisovich was appointed general director of the state corporation Russian Corporation of Nanotechnologies.In 2011, under the leadership of Chubais, the state company was reorganized and re-registered as an open joint-stock company, and also acquired the status of a leading innovative company of the Russian Federation.

Personal life

The personal life of Anatoly Chubais is as "multi-part" as his political career. The first time an economist-politician married as a student. Wife Lyudmila gave birth to a son Alexei and daughter Olga.

Chubais at the corporate party: we have a lot of money! #centersulakshina #Sulakshin #russia #Russia #RF # patriotism #politics.

Professional biographies of children are also associated with the economy: Olya graduated from the St. Petersburg Financial Institute, got married and gave her father a granddaughter, Varvara. Alyosha is a graduate of the Higher School of Economics, works in a bank and is engaged in the auto business. Both people are not party people, the label "golden youth" did not stick to them. Lyudmila now owns a restaurant in the Northern capital and refuses to communicate with reporters.

In the early 90's, while climbing the political arena, Anatoly Borisovich married for the second time. The economist Maria Vishnevskaya became the chosen one, who went with her husband the thorny path of his career growth, but the marriage broke up, unable to withstand difficult life situations. The couple lived for 21 years and in 2012 officially divorced.

The third wife of Anatoly Chubais is Avdotya Smirnova. The TV presenter, director and screenwriter has a son Danil from his first marriage with art critic Arkady Ippolitov.

The head of Rusnano devotes leisure to travel. Anatoly Borisovich is fond of skiing and boating, which allows him to maintain physical fitness (weight 85 kg, height 180 cm). Chubais loves to drive quickly and listen to the hits of his youth, which include the Beatles and Time Machines, Bulat Okudzhava and Vladimir Vysotsky.

Anatoly Borisovich filed the last official income statement in 2014. Then the earnings of the head of Rusnano amounted to 207.5 million rubles, and Avdotya - 5.2 million rubles. The spouses owned 2 apartments in Moscow with an area of ​​256 square meters. m, apartment in St. Petersburg with an area of ​​125 square meters. m, as well as an apartment in Portugal, whose area is 133 square meters. m. The joint fleet of the Chubais family consisted of two BMW X5 and BMW 530 XI cars and a Yamaha SXV70VT snowmobile.

Anatoly Chubais and Avdotya Smirnova attended the opening of the museum. Besides the couple, they admired the paintings of the Impressionists.

Forbes claimed that this is an incomplete list of objects belonging to Anatoly, since a plot of land in the Moscow Region is 15.6 thousand square meters. m and a house with an area of ​​2.7 thousand square meters. m decorated by a legal entity.

In 2015, changes in the Russian legislation took place. Now only heads of companies and corporations owned by the state are 100% accountable for income. As far back as 2011, Chubais changed the chair of the general director to the chair of the chairman of the board of directors of RUSNANO Management Company LLC. The state share in it is 99%, the remaining percentage is owned by Anatoly Borisovich himself. All the same, Forbes wrote that operations with securities brought the economist more than 1 billion rubles in 2015.

A family

  • Father - Boris Matveevich Chubais (February 15, 1918 - October 9, 2000) - officer, tanker. Member of the Great Patriotic War. He started the war on June 22, 1941 in Alytus, as a political officer of a tank company. He served in the 4th Panzer Army. In 1942 he was twice wounded. Participated in the capture of Berlin and the liberation of Prague. He finished the war with the rank of Major Guard and the post of deputy chief of the political department of the 29th Guards Motorized Rifle Brigade. During the war years he was awarded the Medal For Courage, two orders of the Red Star, the Order of the Red Banner and the Order of the Patriotic War of the 2nd degree, and in 1985 - the Order of the Patriotic War of the 1st degree. After the war, he served in Hungary, Germany, Central Asia, Belarus, Moscow, Ukraine (in Odessa and Lviv). In 1953 he graduated from the Military-Political Academy.Lenin in Moscow, and in 1960 - the post-graduate school of the same academy. He taught at the Lviv Higher Military-Political School. In 1968-1974, the head of the Department of Marxism-Leninism of the Higher Military Engineering and Technical Red Banner School. He retired with the rank of colonel. After the resignation - a teacher of Marxism-Leninism of the Leningrad Mining Institute.
  • Mother - Raisa Efimovna Segal (September 15, 1918 - September 7, 2004).
  • Brother - Igor Borisovich Chubais (b. April 26, 1947) - philosopher and sociologist, Doctor of Philosophy, Dean of the Faculty of Russian Studies at the Institute of Social Sciences, Director of the Interuniversity Center for the Study of Russia as part of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences of the RUDN University.
  • The first wife (1978-1989) - Lyudmila Chubais (Grigoryeva). Subsequently, she was engaged in the restaurant business in St. Petersburg.
    • Son Alexey (b. 1980) and daughter Olga (b. 1983), economists by training.
  • The second wife (1990—2011) - Maria Vishnevskaya.
  • The third wife (since 2012) is Avdotya Smirnova (born June 29, 1969), the daughter of director and screenwriter Andrei Smirnov, a journalist, screenwriter, director, presenter of the TV program School of Slander.

Anatoly Chubais now

From social networks, Chubais prefers Facebook and Twitter. On Instagram, his photographs are posted by all kinds of communities and citizens who share the opinion of the former politician on a particular issue or are angry with another sharp statement.

Resonant was the speech of Anatoly Borisovich at the All-Russian Civil Forum in 2018. The “union” of power, business and society in Russia, he believes, is “running on the spot”, since each side either does not trust the others, or can not stand it openly, or has no idea what it is.

On the "margins" of the St. Petersburg Economic Forum - 2019, Chubais proposed introducing a tax on industrial carbon emissions. Sooner or later, Russia will have to come to such a decision in order to implement international agreements.

But the fact that the words about the restriction of free education to 3 classes or the death of 30 million people who did not fit into market conditions were made by Anatoly Borisovich, some users doubted. The most meticulous found out that fake news was distributed by a portal called a satirical publication. Accordingly, information should not be taken seriously.

Path selection

From childhood, Chubais regularly moved from place to place, since his father was a military man, and duty stations were constantly changing. An officer of the Soviet army and within the family introduced strict rules, not giving extra reason to relax his sons.

As a child, Anatoly Chubais often witnessed heated debates between his father and older brother about philosophy and modern politics. Apparently, this played a role in choosing his future profession, he showed interest in the processes taking place in society from an early age. However, determining his future, he made a choice in favor of economic education. Most likely, because at school he was especially good at the exact sciences.

Now you know the nationality of Anatoly Chubais, especially its origin. He maintained a close relationship with his family throughout his life. For Anatoly Borisovich Chubais, the real surname has always been of great importance, he never planned to abandon it.


Chubais began to receive secondary education in Odessa, where his father just served, when the future politician was to go to school. Then he transferred to Lviv, and went to fifth grade already in Leningrad. In the Northern capital, he was sent to a school with a military-political education, which he hated and even wanted to make out into bricks, which he admitted when he became an adult.

In 1972, Anatoly Borisovich Chubais entered the Faculty of Mechanical Engineering of the Engineering and Economics Institute in Leningrad.He graduated from the university in 1977 with honors, and six years later he defended his thesis, receiving the degree of candidate of economic sciences. His professional career began at his native institute, in which he worked first as an engineer, then as an assistant and assistant professor.

In the Communist Party

In the same period, Chubais became a member of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. He has a large number of like-minded people who form an informal democratic circle around the hero of our article. Its members are Leningraders, for whom Anatoly Borisovich himself begins to organize seminars on economics.

The ultimate goal of all these gatherings is the promotion of democratic ideas to the broadest masses of the intelligentsia. It is at one of these seminars that the hero of our article gets acquainted with his future colleague in leadership of the country - Yegor Gaidar.

Political career

The political career of Anatoly Borisovich Chubais actively begins in the late 80s, when he founded the club under the current name for that time, "Perestroika". Its members are many well-known economists of that time, who soon after the collapse of the Soviet Union will occupy key posts in the state, they will also be called "young reformers".

Active and educated young people, who constantly offer how to improve life in the country, have attracted the attention of top officials of Leningrad. After winning the election of the Chairman of the Leningrad City Council Anatoly Sobchak, Chubais was appointed his deputy, as the leader of the modern democratic movement. His ideas and political mood impress the leadership of the whole region.

In 1991, Chubais was offered the post of chief adviser on economic development at the Leningrad City Hall. Soon after, he creates a working group, which begins to discuss the strategy of economic development of the whole country. By the end of the same year, he became the head of the State Committee for State Property Management, and in 1992 received a portfolio of Deputy Prime Minister in the Yeltsin team.

Privatization campaign

In his new position, Chubais gathers around himself a team of economists with whom he is developing a privatization program. As a result of this large-scale campaign, 130,000 state-owned enterprises are becoming private. The way privatization was carried out, how honestly and rationally, experts are still discussing. Moreover, the majority gives the Chubais team an unsatisfactory rating, but at that time this did not prevent the politician from continuing to move up the career ladder.

In 1993, Chubais won the State Duma elections from the party “Choice of Russia”, became the first deputy prime minister, and headed the Federal Commission on Securities and the Stock Market.

Second term

In 1996, the politician took an active part in organizing the election campaign of Boris Yeltsin, who is on his second presidential term. For this, the Civil Society Foundation was created. With its help, the rating of the head of state can be significantly increased, leading to a final victory in the second round.

Yeltsin appreciated the help of the hero of our article, appointing him to lead his administration, and a few months later he assigned the rank of real adviser to the first class.

Children and teenagers of Anatoly Chubais

Anatoly Borisovich Chubais was born on June 16, 1955 in a military family. Boris Matveevich Chubais, father of a politician, a retired colonel who taught the philosophy of Lenin and Marx at the Leningrad Mining Institute. Raisa Efimovna Segal, mother of Anatoly, an economist by education, but never worked in her specialty. She watched the children and the house.

Raisa Efimovna paid great attention to her sons. Brother of Anatoly Chubais, Igorachieved significant heights. He became a doctor of philosophy, professor of the department of social philosophy of the faculty of humanities and social sciences of the RUDN University. Parents arranged Anatoly in Odessa in school.Already there, he began to get involved in the exact sciences and come up with various kinds of inventions.

Anatoly Chubais in his youth with his mother

Since the mid 60-ies of the twentieth century, the family of a politician lived in Lviv, and in 1967, because of his father's service, they moved to Leningrad. There, as Anatoly himself said, he attended school with a focus on military-patriotic education. Boris Matveevich and the older brother of Anatoly often debated on the subject of politics and philosophy, and the young Anatoly Chubais took part in this. Such debates influenced the choice of the future profession of a politician.

Administration of the President

It is believed that the main achievement of Chubais as head of the presidential administration is that he, along with his supporters, has succeeded in dismissing Alexander Lebed from the post of secretary of the Security Council. This happened just two months after the appointment of the general, who took third place in the presidential election. It is believed that the post became a gratitude to Yeltsin, since Lebed called on his supporters to vote for Boris Nikolaevich.

In 1997, Chubais returned to the chair of the First Deputy Prime Minister, simultaneously becoming the Minister of Finance. But in these posts he does not manage to stay long. In the spring of 1998, he resigned along with the whole cabinet of ministers Viktor Chernomyrdin.

Student life politics

In 1972, Anatoly entered the Leningrad Engineering and Economic Institute. Palmiro Tolyatti at the Faculty of Mechanical Engineering. In 1977, the future politician graduated with honors. He began working at the same institute as a teacher, engineer and assistant teacher. While working at the institute, Anatoly wrote a dissertation. He successfully defended it in the year 83 of the twentieth century.

A. B. Chubais in his youth and now

Work in public corporations

In the same year, Chubais became the head of the board of RAO UES of Russia. In this post, he begins to carry out large-scale reforms, which provide for a complete restructuring of all structures entrusted to him by the holding. He decides to transfer most of the shares to private investors. These decisions found many opponents who even began to call Chubais the worst manager in Russia.

In 2008, the energy company was liquidated, and Chubais was appointed general director of the state corporation Russian Corporation of Nanotechnologies. In 2011, under his leadership, the company was reorganized into a joint-stock company, and soon it became the leading innovative enterprise in the country.

The beginning of the political career of Chubais

In 1980, Anatoly joined the Communist Party. At that time, Leningrad suffered the active development of the democratic movement. Economists of Leningrad founded a circle in which Anatoly Chubais, Grigory Glazkov and Yuri Yarmagayev become leaders. Together they worked on a scientific report entitled "Improving the management of scientific and technological progress in production." The circle also included Vladimir Kogan, vice president of the Banking House "St. Petersburg", Alexey Kudrin, future vice prime minister, Mikhail Manevich, the late governor of St. Petersburg, and the older brother of Anatoly Igor Chubais.

Political activity of Anatoly Chubais

In 1990, Anatoly Chubais took the post of deputy chairman of the executive committee of the Lensoviet, and then became the first deputy.

In 1991 Anatoly Sobchak, mayor of St. Petersburg, has appointed Anatoly Chubais a leading economic adviser. He quickly climbed the career ladder, thanks to his intelligence and talent.

A. Chubais and A. Sobchak

In 1991, in November, he became chairman of the State Committee of the Russian Federation for State Property Management. In 1992, the head of state Boris Yeltsin appointed him deputy prime minister.

Russian President Boris Yeltsin and Anatoly Chubais

In 1992, Chubais began and finished creating a privatization program.By the beginning of 1997, more than 127 thousand enterprises were privatized.

In 1998, at a special meeting of the co-owners of RAO UES of Russia, it was decided to take Anatoly Chubais to the Board of Directors, and later he was appointed to the post of Prime Minister.

In politics, Anatoly Chubais is a notable figure. From the deputy of the State Duma "Choice of Russia", the creator of the "Civil Society Fund", which predetermined the activities of the association of analysts of Yeltsin's campaign headquarters, to the post of prime minister.

Anatoly Chubais

In June 2003, Anatoly Chubais was among the three leaders of the Union of Right Forces, but the party failed. When the politician resigned as party chairman, he became a member of the federal political council. In autumn 2008, the political party joined the Higher Council of Anatoly Chubais "Just cause».

For his political achievements and economic successes, the private American Institute, which studies the issues of East and West, in 1994 awarded Anatoly Chubais the “For Outstanding New Skill”. Euromoney magazine (England) gave the title of Politician - The Best Minister of Finance of the world. Also, Anatoly Chubais received many Thanks from the President of the Russian Federation. Anatoly Chubais is an Honorary Doctor of Engineering and Economics University of St. Petersburg. In addition, he is the Acting State Advisor to Russia of the first class.

Anatoly Chubais and Vladimir Putin

Scientific and social activities in the 1980s

During my studies at the institute, I became aware of the depth of economic problems: “At first I was interested in technological disciplines, engineering, and then I was also interested in the economy itself. However, only microeconomics could be studied at the institute ... The same thing that really fascinated me - macroeconomics (dynamics of economic indicators, monetary relations ...) - there was no one to discuss. ... Nevertheless, I myself began to understand that the dynamics of economic indicators in the Soviet economy are bad, that things are going out of the ordinary, and very strong medicines are required for treatment. ”

In 1977 he became a candidate member of the CPSU, in 1978 - a member of the CPSU. He left the CPSU in June 1990.

In 1979, together with the LIEE employees G. Yu. Glazkov and Yu. V. Yarmagayev, he organized a circle of market economists. “We set ourselves the task: to find out the real, not the book history of the Soviet economy. And - neither more nor less, to determine the ways of its possible reform. Based on the task, we identified several main areas for research: NEP, socialist countries, and above all the experience of reforming in Hungary and Yugoslavia. ... There was no prospect of real application of the accumulated knowledge in sight, and yet no one had the slightest doubt about the appropriateness of this gigantic work. ... We clearly saw that the Soviet economy was crashing, that official economic science was looking the other way, and we were all extremely worried about it. ”

According to G. Glazkov, “as a result of a scientific search, we came to the conclusion that, whatever one may say, well, there is no way without a market. Now that sounds funny. But then, in 1980, it really was a very significant result for us. ” The members of the circle, realizing that the introduction of a Western market economy in the USSR was impracticable, sought to study the Yugoslav and Hungarian models of "market socialism." As the circle of his meeting expanded, they began to be held under the auspices of the Council of Young Scientists of the LIER, chaired by Chubais (previously the Council existed only nominally at the LIEC).

In 1982, the circle became close to a group of young Moscow economists, whose leader was E.T. Gaidar. Thanks to Gaidar, who “was closer to the nomenclature and reform movements,” the “Leningraders”, led by Chubais, were involved in the work created in 1984. Politburo Commission on Improving the Management of the National Economy. Gaidar testifies: “We have prepared a program of moderate, gradual reforms of the Soviet economy, based on the hypothesis that the authorities have a desire to carry them out before the disaster. The model, taken (taking into account Soviet specifics) as the basis, was a combination of Hungarian and Chinese reforms. ” However, in the spring of 1985, at the very beginning of the reign of M.S.Gorbachev, the developed proposals were rejected with the words: “What do you want to build market socialism? Forget it! This is beyond political realities. ”

In 1986 - the organizer and head of the Leningrad club "Perestroika". The theme of the club’s first meeting is “Plan and Market: Together or Apart.”

In 1986 - one of the organizers of an economic seminar in the boarding house "Snake Hill" on the Karelian Isthmus. The seminar participants came to the conclusion that "the economic system formed in the USSR is not viable in the modern world, we need to think about what will happen after its collapse."

In 1988 - one of the organizers of the seminar at the Losevo camp site. During the discussion of the idea of ​​V. Naishul about voucher privatization, he sharply criticized it, predicting that the result would be mass injustice and mass discontent.

In 1988, he visited a 10-month internship in Hungary, which he recalled: “Acquaintance with Hungarian economic science was very useful and fruitful. I learned a lot there. ”

In March 1990, Chubais and a group of associates of the Leningrad Association of Social and Economic Sciences created by him prepared an analytical note on the concept of transition to a market economy in the USSR, in which they emphasized that gradual reforms are no longer possible, and radical property reform is the only way to overcome the growing disorganization of the Soviet economy, and its further delay is intolerable. At the same time, they warned of the inevitable grave social consequences of the upcoming reform: a decrease in living standards, differentiation of population incomes, rising unemployment and economic crime. The note indicated the unpreparedness of the mass consciousness for unpopular reforms and the inevitable upsurge of populist sentiments in this regard, and therefore urged the country's leadership to begin reform and ideological preparations for it as soon as possible, relying on the part of the democratic movement that is most firmly in the position of economic reform. The authors of the note pointed to the “contradiction between the goals of the reform (building a democratic economy and society) and the means of its implementation”, emphasizing the inevitability of certain anti-democratic steps, such as the “ban on strikes and control of information”. “It will not be an exaggeration to say,” the note said, “that the political fate of the current leadership of the country and the reform itself depends on the degree of success of combining these opposite principles.”

After the election of local Soviets in March 1990, at which Democratic Russia won in Leningrad, Chubais was appointed deputy chairman of the Leningrad City Executive Committee on the initiative of deputies of the Leningrad City Council. At this post, he was primarily involved in the creation of the Leningrad Free Economic Zone, the initiator of which was A. A. Sobchak, who was elected deputy of the Leningrad City Council in April 1990 and became its chairman in May of that year. Like-minded Chubais had a different attitude towards this idea. G. Glazkov: “We considered this work to be very important, because there still remained a socialist economy, and we wanted to build an island of capitalism in a single region.” M. Dmitriev: “I believe that for Chubais the years of work in the Leningrad City Executive Committee were lost. Largely because of his passion for the ideas of the Leningrad zone of free enterprise (LZSP). This idea was obviously doomed to failure, and he spent a lot of strength and energy on it. "

Gradually, relations between Chubais and Sobchak became complicated. After the election of Sobchak on June 12, 1991, Chubais was appointed economic adviser to the mayor without real authority.

Work in the government of the Russian Federation in 1991-1996

June 1, 1992 was appointed Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation on economic and financial policy.

In December 1992, he was appointed First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Russian Federation - Chairman of the State Committee of the Russian Federation for State Property Management

Ye.T. Gaidar recalled that when in the autumn of 1991, selecting people for the future government, he proposed to Chubais to head the State Property Committee, that is, "take responsibility for developing and implementing the privatization program ... Tolya sighed heavily and asked if I understood that he will become the man who will be accused of selling Russia all his life. ”

The Law "On the Privatization of State and Municipal Enterprises in the RSFSR", adopted by the Supreme Council of the RSFSR on July 3, 1991, provided for the free transfer to Russian citizens of state and municipal property by transferring state privatization deposits to registered privatization accounts with Sberbank. Practical work on privatization did not start in 1991: by January 1, 1992, 107 stores, 58 canteens, and 56 consumer services were privatized in Russia. At the same time, in the conditions of the collapse of state power, spontaneous privatization unfolded, actually stealing state property: property of enterprises was leased to front companies with the right of subsequent redemption at a reduced residual value.

Under the leadership of Chubais, a new privatization program was developed. On December 27, 1991, the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR adopted the “Main Provisions of the Privatization Program in the Russian Federation for 1992”, which were approved on December 29, 1991 by a presidential decree. Chubais, like Gaidar, was a proponent of privatization for money, since it allowed faster transfer of enterprises into the hands of efficient owners and a reduction in the state budget deficit. “Small privatization” was carried out in cash, mainly through open auctions, from mid-1992. Over the year 50 thousand private enterprises appeared: shops, cafes, ateliers, hairdressers, etc.

It was impossible to carry out “big privatization” immediately in cash: the population did not have money to buy back state property, which was estimated at 1 trillion as of January 1, 1992. 400 billion rubles. “Therefore,” Gaidar and Chubais later wrote, “the historical fork in“ big privatization ”by the summer of 1992 looked like this: either legislatively ordered free privatization, or loss of state control over the unfolding“ nomenclature ”privatization.”

Chubais rejected the free transfer of property to labor collectives, which would lead to the formation of "cooperative market socialism." He believed that labor collectives, having become owners, would direct the bulk of the profit not to the development of production, but to individual consumption. This was confirmed by the experience of Yugoslavia during the "market socialism" and Soviet enterprises, leased to their teams in the 1980s. But it was impossible to ignore the slogan of transferring property to labor collectives, as this would lead to a conflict with the director's lobby and trade unions. A member of the Chubais team, M. V. Boyko, subsequently wrote: “The only way out was to turn the directors into real owners ... The directors had to be turned into a shareholder.”

Three privatization options have been developed. According to the first option, 25% of the authorized capital in the form of preferred shares was transferred to the labor collective free of charge, workers could buy 10% of ordinary shares in installments with a 30 percent discount. The company's management could acquire another 5% of ordinary shares at face value. The second option, adopted as a compromise with the director's corps: labor collectives received a controlling stake (51%) of shares at a price 1.7 times higher than the nominal.But the owner of the shares was not the entire labor collective, but each member of the labor collective individually. Gaidar and Chubais subsequently wrote: “The fork in the“ property of the labor collective or the property of the members of the labor collective ”was passed correctly, one of the fundamental differences between capitalism and market socialism was enshrined in law.” The third option allowed a group of employees (in practice, management) to buy back 20% of ordinary shares at face value. All employees of the enterprise, including members of this group, could acquire another 20% of the shares on the terms of the second option. But this option was not widespread, since directors could use it only if they guaranteed that the company would avoid bankruptcy.

The shares, net of those transferred to the employees and managers of the enterprises, went on sale, but were not exchanged for money, but for privatization checks or vouchers introduced by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation dated August 14, 1992, vouchers were issued free of charge to every citizen of the Russian Federation. From October 1992 to February 1993, 144 million vouchers were issued. They were received by 97% of citizens. Free privatization (excluding housing privatization) was completed by mid-1994.

Vouchers, unlike registered privatization accounts, were subject to free alienation. They could be sold, donated, exchanged, bequeathed, invested in mutual and check investment funds. In this regard, Chubais is accused of allowing people who are not knowledgeable in the economy to sell vouchers, he gave them to the mercy of dishonest businessmen, turning “popular” privatization into “oligarchic”. Chubais himself and his supporters insist that the Russian banking system in the early 1990s. was not ready for large-scale cashless payments, which were required by the system of nominal privatization accounts. In addition, Chubais believed that the system of registered privatization accounts would prevent the formation of a layer of effective owners. In his opinion, "for a significant part of the population (80-90 percent) the functions of the active owner are contraindicated in general ... 10 can be active owners, 15 percent of the population can do so."

The nominal value of the voucher was set at 10 thousand rubles. It was believed that this value was determined by dividing the value of privatized enterprises by the number of residents of the Russian Federation. Subsequently, Chubais was often accused of fraud - a deliberately overpriced assessment of the cost of a voucher. In March 2002, Kommersant magazine, calling August 14 “the day of the voucher,” sneered: “Chubais was reckless to say that“ in a few years the voucher will cost like two Volga cars. ”Although the privatization that started with the advent of the voucher is the basis of the country's economic system, the unfulfilled promise of two Volga makes Chubais the main culprit of all the troubles happening in the business world. On this day, it is recommended to ride on two Volga. " Chubais himself subsequently wrote: “Two“ Volga ”for a voucher - it seems to me that it was imprinted for the rest of my life.” In fact, the denomination of the privatization check was conditional. According to Gaidar, “the question of which face value to put on the check is generally pointless, because this check has only socio-psychological significance, certifying the right to a part of the privatized property. Its price is determined by the volume of privatized property, the level of financial stability, the benefits that labor collectives have. In the end, for reasons of simplicity, they settled on a face value of 10 thousand rubles. "

Chubais admitted that during the introduction of vouchers, he and his associates made "inflated estimates of the value of the check", "went over with propaganda, fell into euphoria," resulting in "grave negative consequences", "popular hatred of privatizers and reforms."But at the same time he argued: “It was necessary not only to come up with effective schemes, write good regulatory documents, but also to convince the Duma of the need to adopt these documents, and most importantly, to convince 150 million people to get out of their seats, leave their apartment, get a voucher , and then also meaningfully invest it! Of course, the propaganda component was fantastically important. ... What would happen if they made a different mistake? If we didn’t win with the propaganda pressure. The price of such an error would be much higher: the collapse of privatization. And that means - a command and administrative economy would remain, reinforced by the criminal incandescence of the behind-the-scenes redistribution of property. ”

The owners invested 50% of the vouchers in the shares of the enterprises where they or their relatives worked, 25% sold, 25% invested in check investment funds (CHIFs). It was assumed that the private equity funds will invest the funds received in the shares of privatized enterprises and will provide professional management of the assets received. Private equity funds were closed-end investment funds that did not have an obligation to redeem their shares from shareholders. (According to other sources, 34% of the vouchers were sold, 11% were donated, 25% were invested in private equity funds and only 15% were invested in shares).

Vouchers have become a commodity. Voucher quotes were public. The prices of the vouchers depended on market conditions and the political situation, changed greatly, sometimes falling to a minimum equal to the price of two bottles of vodka or several loaves of bread. At the same time, the purposeful purchase of vouchers and their use for acquiring shares at check auctions made it possible to form large fortunes. The most successful investment of vouchers was the shares of enterprises. For example, in the Republic of Mari El one voucher was exchanged for 5900, and in the Perm Region - for 6000 shares of Gazprom. In 2016, these shares were worth approximately 1 million rubles. But in Moscow and St. Petersburg, the voucher was exchanged for only 50 and 65 Gazprom shares, respectively. The shares of Baltika brewing company purchased for one voucher in 2016 cost $ 16 thousand, that is, about 1 million 200 thousand rubles.

The worst investment of vouchers turned out to be CHIFs. According to Chubais, this project completely failed: "due to the lack of professionalism of managers and theft, all 40 million investors of the UIFs were deceived." “For real control over the NIFs,” he wrote, “it was necessary to build a system comparable in complexity and influence with banking supervision, which was formed in Russia only by the end of the 1990s. It was simply impossible to create such a surveillance system in 1992-1993. ” The failure of the PIFs negatively affected the attitude towards privatization as a whole, especially since the intelligentsia willingly used the services of the PIFs, who actively influenced public opinion through the media.

As a result, a negative attitude towards privatization as “the greatest adventure of the twentieth century” and robbery of the people has been established in a part of society. According to opinion polls, in 2000-2007. 77-83% of citizens of the Russian Federation considered privatization unfair and advocated a complete or partial review of the results of privatization.

In an interview with The Financial Times in November 2004, Chubais admitted that he “underestimated the deep sense of injustice that arose in people” as a result of privatization, but insisted: “We could not choose between“ fair ”and“ dishonest ”privatization, because that fair privatization implies clear rules established by a strong state that can enforce laws. In the early 1990s, we had neither the state nor the rule of law. ... We had to choose between gangster communism and gangster capitalism. "

At the same time, experts note that during the privatization, the state did not take away anything, but only gave: “In the worst case, it didn’t give anything - to those who hung their vouchers on the wall, sold them for a bottle of vodka, unsuccessfully invested and so on.Not a single person suffered from check privatization. ” The task of voucher privatization was not to distribute state property evenly, but to form private property and prepare for the transition to monetary privatization. This task has been completed. Private property was revived in a country that did not know it from the late 1920s, when NEP was destroyed, in a country where, until 1991, private business was a criminal offense and commercial mediation was punishable by five years in prison.

By mid-1994, free privatization (excluding housing privatization) was completed. The stage of monetary privatization has begun. Monetary privatization has been carried out since 1994. Given the political instability and the high probability of the Communists returning to power, potential investors did not want to risk it. The pace of privatization has sharply decreased: in 1995, 7 thousand enterprises were privatized, in 5,000 - 5 thousand, in 1997 - 3 thousand. The State Duma, adopting the Budget Law for 1995, banned the sale of shares of highly profitable enterprises oil and gas complex. Meanwhile, privatization was the main source of funds for fulfilling social obligations, paying salaries to public sector employees and pensions.

In a situation where oil companies could not be sold, collateral auctions became the way out. Private banks on a competitive basis provided loans to the state on the security of large blocks of shares. If the state did not repay the loan, the shares passed into the ownership of the bank. In November-December 1995, 12 collateral auctions were held, the income from which amounted to 5.1 trillion rubles, which allowed the state to significantly reduce debts to state employees and pensioners. The total share of collateral auctions in federal budget revenues from privatization amounted to 70.8%.

During the auctions, shares were pledged at low prices, as a result, a few financial and industrial groups (FIGs), primarily ONEXIM, Menatep, and Alpha groups, took possession of large enterprises. In this regard, Chubais was often accused of selling off national wealth for next to nothing and creating a Russian oligarchy.

One of the Russian oligarchs, V. Potanin, in an interview with Forbes magazine said: “The auction was not fraud, but it was a prime example of the exceptional power of lobbying. Like all privatization, it was unfair and in fact led to social stratification. But what did the security auctions do? They created a class of large owners in Russia. Only after that it became acceptable to own large enterprises, after which the owners of the largest metallurgical, coal, transport companies and so on became the owners. This breached the defense of the "red directors" of the plants. It was a struggle of the new business with the "red directors". Everyone simply forgot how these people controlled Yukos, Norilsk Nickel, and Sibneft. For months, people did not get paid, enterprises did not pay taxes. It was terrible, and it was necessary to privatize it. ”

Reformers, agreeing that “collateral auctions were not transparent, they did not have equality, did not respect the rights of a third party” answered these allegations that enterprises sold at collateral auctions were in serious condition, had large salary debts and almost no income. Given the political risks of 1995, the value of their shares was negligible. Privatization allowed these enterprises to become highly profitable businesses. Later, Daniel Traisman, a professor at the University of California, wrote the author of a special study: “Companies managed by oligarchs showed excellent results, much better than many comparable enterprises managed by the state or its red directors.” But in 1995, at higher starting prices at auctions, they could not be sold, the state could not replenish the budget, which would have extremely serious social consequences. In the upcoming elections, this could turn into a victory for the Communists, and after that - hyperinflation, freezing prices, the new disappearance of goods from the shelves and economic collapse. In an interview with The Financial Times in November 2004, Chubais said: “We had no choice.If we hadn’t carried out collateral privatization, then the Communists would have won the elections in 1996, and these would have been the last free elections in Russia, because these guys don’t give up power so easily. ”

The general results of privatization were demonstrated by the results of a comparative analysis of state and privatized enterprises for 1995 conducted by the International Center for Social and Economic Research. The total (integral) efficiency calculated on the basis of four indicators of economic efficiency and four indicators of financial condition at privatized enterprises turned out to be significantly higher than in the public sector.

On November 5, 1994, Chubais was appointed First Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation. This was preceded by dramatic events. Under pressure from the opposition majority of the State Duma, the government in the summer of 1994 was forced to increase budget subsidies to farmers, unprofitable industrial enterprises, and regions that could not cope with fulfilling social obligations. The central bank has increased monetary emissions. The monthly increase in the money supply amounted to 6.1% in the first quarter of 1994, and 16.1% in the second quarter. Monthly average inflation, which amounted to 6.4% per month in the first half of 1994, rose to 15.5% in the fourth quarter. At the same time, the exchange rate of the ruble against the dollar changed much more slowly. This led to "black Tuesday" - the currency crisis of October 11, 1994, when the dollar rose immediately from 2833 to 3996 rubles. In a report prepared by a special commission, the reasons for the collapse of the ruble were called "inconsistency, timeliness, and sometimes incompetence of decisions and actions of federal authorities." Finance Minister S.K. Dubinin and Central Bank Head V.V. Gerashchenko were removed from their posts. Chubais, who became the first deputy prime minister, was now responsible not only for privatization, but for the entire financial and economic sphere.

In January 1995, the Central Bank's foreign exchange reserves fell to $ 1.5 billion. At the same time, the Central Bank was forced to carry out foreign exchange interventions, sometimes exceeding $ 100 million per day, to prevent a new collapse of the ruble. Chubais and his supporters developed a program of macroeconomic stabilization, the main provisions of which were set out in the Statement of the Government of the Russian Federation and the Central Bank of the Russian Federation “On Economic Policy in 1995” dated March 10, 1995. Implementation of the program began directly on January 1, 1995. In February 1995, an agreement was reached with the IMF to provide a loan of $ 6.25 billion to finance the budget deficit. The government stopped using direct loans from the Central Bank to finance the budget, and refused to provide new centralized loans. Sectoral extrabudgetary funds were abolished, and their funds were consolidated in the federal budget. Existing tax and foreign trade incentives were reduced, and new incentives were prohibited. The new federal budget for 1995 provided for the reduction of the deficit and the limitation of external and internal borrowing.

In July 1995, a currency corridor was introduced, amounting to 4300-4900 rubles. for 1 dollar and remaining at this level until the end of the year. Government spending and loans less repayments accounted for 39.3% of GDP in 1995, a decrease of 17.4% compared with 1994. As a result of measures taken by the government, inflation began to decline. If in January 1995 it was 17.8%, then in June - 6.7%, and in December - 3.2% per month.

The restriction of monetary emissions put commercial banks in a difficult position, especially accustomed to working in situations of high inflation. A number of less efficient banks went bankrupt. Salary arrears have increased, including in the public sector. Chubais admitted: “I had to pay a high price for financial stabilization,” but he insisted: “the foundation laid in the coming years allowed us to overcome the problems that arose as a result of tough macroeconomic policies.”

Uncompromising in the implementation of unpopular economic steps further increased the discontent Chubais in various circles of society and directly affected his political career.

Political activity in 1991-1996

In 1993, Chubais participated in the constituent conference of the “Choice of Russia” movement and was elected as a deputy of the State Duma on the list of the electoral association “Choice of Russia,” however, due to a ban on the combination of executive and legislative posts in the legislation, he refused the deputy mandate, remaining at work in government.

In 1994, he became one of the founders of the Democratic Choice of Russia party and was elected a member of the FER political council at its founding congress on June 12-13, 1994.

On January 16, 1996, after the failure of the pro-government movement Our Home - Russia, led by V. S. Chernomyrdin in the State Duma elections, Chubais was dismissed from his post as First Deputy Prime Minister, and the decree noted his “low demands on subordinate federal departments and non-fulfillment of a number of instructions of the President of the Russian Federation. ” On January 19, President B. N. Yeltsin commented on this resignation as follows: “Chubais is to blame for the NDR in the parliamentary elections. If he had not made mistakes in pursuing economic policy, the number of voters would have been no less than 20%. ” Subsequently, in the satirical broadcast of NTV Kukly, the president’s words were transformed into the phrase “Chubais is to blame for everything”, which has become a proverb that means transferring blame to someone else.

On February 5, 1996, Chubais spoke at the Davos Forum, convincing Western businessmen and politicians that the victory of the Communist Party leader G. A. Zyuganov in the presidential election would not mean the coming to power of moderate Social Democrats, but communist revenge.

On March 18, during a personal meeting with Yeltsin, he persuaded the president to abandon his intention to dissolve the Duma and postpone the presidential election for two years.

Yeltsin’s daughter T. Dyachenko later recalled: “When at the beginning of 1996 it became clear to everyone that the campaign headquarters, headed by Deputy Prime Minister Oleg Soskovets, were failing, the Anatoly Chubais convinced the pope of the need to create a new, informal headquarters, which called the Analytical Team. ” On March 19, 1996, Chubais headed the Analytical Group as part of Yeltsin’s campaign headquarters, effectively taking charge of the president’s election campaign. Thanks to the activities of the Analytical Group, Yeltsin's rating began to grow. Thus, according to VTsIOM, on March 13, 1996, 15% of those who were ready to vote were ready to vote for Yeltsin, 25% for Zyuganov, 18% and 25% respectively on March 31, 21% and 27% on April 28, May 5 - 28% and 27%, May 26 - 33% and 26%, June 12 - 36% and 24%. In the first round of elections held on June 16, Yeltsin received 35.28% of the vote, Zyuganov - 32.03%.

On June 19, 1996, between the first and second rounds of the election campaign, an incident occurred with the “Xerox box”: Presidential Security Service (SBP) detained members of the Yeltsin’s election headquarters A. V. Evstafiev and S. F. Lisovsky who were trying to remove Of the White House (Government House of the Russian Federation) a box of paper for Xerox, in which there were more than $ 500 thousand, intended to pay for the services of artists who participated in the Yeltsin support campaign. In April 1997, the case initiated on the fact of illegal operations with currency in especially large amounts was closed. According to B. N. Yeltsin, “the audit showed: there was no corpus delicti in the actions of Lisovsky and Yevstafyev. All the allegations turned out to be unfounded. ”

According to the biographer Yeltsin, the arrest of Yevstafyev and Lisovsky was the first step in implementing the plan of the head of the SBP, General A. V.Korzhakov, aimed at canceling the elections and the coming to power of a group consisting of Korzhakov himself, the head of the FSB M. I. Barsukov and Deputy Prime Minister O. N. Soskovets.

Chubais secured the release of Yevstafyev and Lisovsky, and then, with the support of Chernomyrdin and the daughter of President T. Dyachenko, the dismissal of Korzhakov, Barsukov and Soskovets.

Participation in the 1996 Yeltsin campaign

Soon after the resignation from the post of Deputy Prime Minister, Chubais headed the election headquarters of Yeltsin.

In February 1996, he created the Civil Society Fund, on the basis of which the analytical group of B. N. Yeltsin’s campaign headquarters began work. As a result of the group’s work, Yeltsin’s rating began to grow, and as a result, in the second round of the presidential election on July 3, 1996, he gained 53.82%.

In June 1996, he created the Center for the Protection of Private Property Fund.

Yeltsin’s daughter Tatyana Dyachenko, who was part of the campaign headquarters, in December 2009 recalled that Chubais played an important role in holding Yeltsin for a second presidential term: “When in early 1996 it became clear to everyone that the campaign headquarters, which was headed by the Deputy Prime Minister the government Oleg Soskovets fails his work, Anatoly Chubais convinced the pope of the need to create a new, informal headquarters, which was called the analytical group.

Head of the Presidential Administration

After Yeltsin's victory in the second round of elections (53.82% of the vote versus 40.31% of Zyuganov), Chubais intended to go into business, however, at the president’s request, he headed his Administration on July 16, 1996.

The powers of the Presidential Administration have been expanded. According to the Regulation of November 2, 1996, the Administration was called "the state body providing the activities of the president." The head of the Administration received the right to “coordinate the activities of federal executive bodies”, “to submit proposals to the Government of the Russian Federation on the preparation of draft federal laws, decrees and orders of the President, as well as on the adoption of decrees and orders of the government”, “to send mandatory federal bodies execution of the idea of ​​eliminating violations in ensuring the implementation of the decisions of the President. ”

Since Yeltsin soon underwent heart surgery and was unable to fully perform official duties for a long time, Chubais was given the nickname "regent" (according to B. Yeltsin - "with a light hand" Secretary of the Security Council General A. I. Swan). The French newspaper Figaro wrote on November 8, 1996: "Now the Regent is content to" strengthen "the Russian leadership in the absence of the President."

Work in the government of the Russian Federation in 1997-1998

On March 7, 1997, Chubais was appointed First Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation, and on March 17, both Minister of Finance of the Russian Federation.

Chubais had to deal with the difficult financial situation caused by the war in Chechnya, the massive tax evasion and the desire of the Duma, which was dominated by Communists, to increase budget spending. Despite the fact that in the second quarter after the government announced its return to a harsh tax policy, tax collection increased, the initial plan for budget revenues was implemented only by 64%. Government debt grew rapidly, including for servicing state short-term obligations (GKO). In this situation, at the initiative of Chubais, a sequestration of budget expenditures was carried out. For some items, the budget was reduced by 30-55%.

In 1997, inflation was significantly reduced. In January, the consumer price index was 2.3% per month, in the second quarter it fell to 1% per month and remained at that level until the end of the year. Consumer prices increased by 11% over the year. For the first time since the beginning of the 90s.GDP growth was achieved, however, only by 1.4%. In some sectors, growth was significantly higher: in the printing industry - 10%, in the medical industry - 15%. The interest rates on state short-term liabilities (GKO), which reached 60% in July 1996, by June 1997, were close to zero. These achievements have been praised. In 1997, the British magazine Euromoney, based on an expert survey of leading world financiers, recognized Chubais the best finance minister of the year "for his contribution to the successful development of his country's economy."

An important direction in the work of Chubais as the first vice-premier was the change in relations between the government and large business. “The most important point of our disagreement with Boris Abramovich Berezovsky,” Chubais later said in an interview with P.O. Avenu, “was that he believed that business should govern the country. Which, in my opinion, is completely unacceptable. " This difference in views manifested itself during the privatization of Svyazinvest, the largest corporation in the field of telephone communications and telecommunications. B. A. Berezovsky and V. A. Gusinsky claimed the state-owned shares of Svyazinvest, hoping to buy them at the lowest price. Chubais objected: “There are other financial groups, other investors who also rightfully claim Svyazinvest. For us, there should be the only criterion for evaluating the winner: whoever paid the most won. ” As a result of the auction on July 25, 1997, Svyazinvest went to ONEXIM group led by V. O. Potanin, who paid $ 1.875 billion for a 25% stake in Svyazinvest against $ 1.71 billion proposed by Berezovsky and Gusinsky.

After the Svyazinvest auction, the losing side started an “information war”, proving that ONEXIM won thanks to the support of the first deputy prime ministers of Chubais and B. Ye. Nemtsov. In connection with the Svyazinvest auction, Chubais and the “young reformers” are generally reproached for “supporting one of the oligarchs instead of refusing to cooperate with everyone”, they “gave their opponents reason to accuse them of personal interest and question sincerity reformist goals. " Yeltsin wrote in his memoirs that Chubais “was forced, sincerely not wanting this, to use some financial groups in the fight against others, and played on the contradictions within the business elite. I couldn’t keep my distance. ” Reformers themselves categorically rejected doubts about the honesty of the auction: “The Svyazinvest auction was a model of honest, open, fair and legal privatization. Its organizers, even a minute before receiving the result, had no idea who would win, that was the technology.”

On November 4, 1997, at the urging of the First Deputy Prime Ministers A. B. Chubais and B. E. Nemtsov, President Yeltsin removed Berezovsky from the post of Deputy Secretary of the Security Council. In response, Berezovsky-controlled media accused Chubais and his entourage of receiving high fees for an allegedly unwritten book on the history of privatization in Russia. In reality, the book was already prepared and handed over to the publishing house, but was released only in 1999.

On November 12, journalist A. Minkin in an interview with Ekho Moskvy called the authors' fees the “hidden form of a bribe.” The Prosecutor General’s Office became interested in the case. In an interview with Kommersant, Chubais announced the intention of the authors to donate most of the fees to charity. In a letter to Yeltsin, requesting his dismissal from his post, Chubais wrote: “I admit that my consent to receive a fee of $ 90 thousand from an ethical point of view was a serious mistake. The fact that 95% of it was donated to charity does not alleviate the problem. ”

Despite the fact that in the “book case” there were no violations of the law, on November 20, 1997 Chubais lost his post of Minister of Finance, but remained the First Deputy Prime Minister. On March 23, 1998, he was relieved of his post as First Deputy Prime Minister in connection with the resignation of the government of V. S. Chernomyrdin.

A. Chubais actively participated in the development of the “Concept for the Development of the Securities Market in the Russian Federation”, approved by B. Yeltsin. The implementation of this document upon the issuance of T-bills led to default in 1998.An investigation conducted by the Prosecutor General’s Office on the basis of a computer analysis of the transactions revealed Chubais’s participation in operations in the GKO market, although he stated that he was not a deputy prime minister. The director of the Institute for Economic Analysis believes that during the period of aggravation of the problems, the Central Bank of the Russian Federation was supported not so much by the government as by commercial banks: "The lion's share of the currency ... was sold directly to banks, bypassing the stock market.

Special Representative of the President for Relations with International Financial Organizations

In 1998, the Russian economy, which began to grow in 1997, was affected by the Asian financial crisis. In order to overcome capital outflows and reduce excessive profitability on GKOs, a large loan from international financial organizations was needed. On June 16, 1998, a group of leading Russian businessmen invited Chubais to negotiate with the IMF and the World Bank. On June 17, Chubais was appointed special representative of the president for relations with international financial organizations. On July 20, 1998, Chubais managed to reach an agreement with the IMF Council on the allocation of $ 11.2 billion. The first tranche, allocated immediately, amounted to $ 4.8 billion.

There are alternative opinions about the fate of the first tranche: the US Treasury Secretary believed that the money managed to reach the Central Bank of the Russian Federation, but was used not for the purposes for which it was allocated. And in the opinion of the Prosecutor General, the money did not reach the Russian Federation at all: they were transferred to the accounts of various foreign banks before being received by the Central Bank of the Russian Federation.

The second tranche was due in September when all IMF conditions were met. However, this did not help save the Russian economy: funds quickly went to maintain the exchange rate and urgent expenses. As a result, on August 17, 1998, the Russian government announced the devaluation of the ruble, suspension of servicing domestic debt and a moratorium on servicing foreign currency debts of private borrowers (default).

Work in RAO "UES of Russia"

On April 6, 1998, Chubais was elected to the Board of Directors of RAO UES of Russia. On April 30, he was appointed Chairman of the Board of RAO UES of Russia. The idea of ​​appointing Chubais to RAO UES belonged to Prime Minister S. V. Kiriyenko. On June 25, 1999, at the meeting of RAO UES shareholders, a clause was added to the charter of the company according to which the chairman of the board can only be removed from office by a qualified majority at the meeting of shareholders.

RAO UES of Russia, created by presidential decrees of August 15 and November 5, 1992, owned 72% of the capacity of all power plants in Russia and 96% of the length of all power lines.

The state of the energy industry in the 1990s It was hard. In 1998, consumers paid no more than 85% of the electricity consumed. At that, no more than 20% was paid for with money, the rest - with bills of exchange, credits, barter. This led to high accounts payable by RAO UES enterprises, the inability to purchase fuel, lack of electricity and systematic disconnection of consumers from the network, the freezing of new energy construction, a dangerous reduction in repair work, arrears in salaries for power engineers, strikes and even hunger strikes for industry workers. If in the 1980s. 10-12 GW of generating capacities were introduced annually, then in the 1990s. - about 1 GW.

Having headed RAO "UES of Russia", Chubais ordered not to release electricity without payment and to disconnect non-payers from the network. At the same time, "blackouts" were prohibited, that is, the sequential shutdown of one energy consumption area after another. Fan outages were explained by the inability to supply electricity to all consumers around the clock due to lack of fuel, which, in turn, was caused by non-payments. The transition from fan shutdowns to direct shutdown of defaulters required the creation of a complex sales system, training of new staff, the development of a legal framework, and most importantly, overcoming the resistance of large businessmen who are used to not paying for the energy consumed by their enterprises and often relying on the support of regional authorities, as well as a number of political parties - from the Communists to Yabloko. Nevertheless, by 2001, it was possible to overcome defaults and achieve full payment of electricity supplies with real money.The volume of receivables and payables of RAO UES decreased by more than one and a half times, the volume of investments increased by four times.

Chubais put forward the task of dividing the energy industry into natural monopoly and competitive sectors. In the reform concept adopted in 1998, the reform task was formulated as follows: “... the creation on the basis of the holding of an all-Russian electric grid company that ensures the functioning and realization of the economic advantages of the Unified Energy System of Russia, the creation of a self-regulatory market environment, the development of competition in the field of production and supply of electricity, the formation of generating companies. "

On November 29, 2003, the second unit of the Bureyskaya HPP was launched. On October 20, 2004, the Sochi TPP was launched, built in record time - in 20 months. It became the third Russian power station operating on advanced combined-cycle technology. RAO UES of Russia allocated 3.65 billion rubles for this priority construction site in 2004. targeted investments and loans.

In 2005-2006 the average annual growth rate of energy consumption doubled. At the same time, due to depreciation of fixed assets, it was impossible to increase electricity production. There was an acute shortage of electricity. This was manifested in an accident in the Moscow power system on May 25, 2005, when Moscow and several other regions of the country were completely de-energized during the day.

It was impossible to make a difference without major investments. The volume of necessary investments only for 2006-2010. It was estimated at 11.8 trillion rubles, including 6.75 trillion rubles. - to create new generating capacities. Such investments were impossible to carry out either at the expense of the subscription fee, or at the expense of the budget. The only way out was to attract private investment and create a competitive environment, which was why the market reform of the electric power industry was necessary.

A long-term energy development program was developed until 2030, a medium-term program until 2020, and a short-term program for 5 years.

As a result of structural transformations, the transmission of electricity through electric networks and dispatching remained in state ownership, and the production and sale of electricity passed into private ownership. A system of wholesale electricity markets has been created. In 2007-2008 18 out of 20 planned IPOs were carried out, which made it possible to attract 945 billion rubles into generating capacities in the electric power industry. private investment.

On May 31, 2008, the last meeting of shareholders of RAO UES of Russia took place. Since July 1, 2008, RAO UES has been liquidated and divided into 23 independent companies, including 2 state-owned and 21 private.

The effectiveness of the reform is evidenced by the fact that in 2008-2017. the total capacity of generating facilities commissioned in Russia amounted to 39.8 GW, including 26.5 GW under capacity supply agreements, while 1991-2001. 12.4 GW of generating capacity was commissioned in the country. Specific fuel consumption for electricity supply for 2008—2017 decreased from 344 to 312 g per tonne of equivalent fuel per kW / h, that is, decreased by 10%. The number of accidents at power plants with a capacity of over 25 MW decreased over 2011—2017. by 16%. The price of electricity for 2006—2016. for all consumers, they grew 2.5 times while coal prices rose 2.8 times, and for natural gas - 3.8 times.

Work in Rusnano

On September 22, 2008, by decree of President D. A. Medvedev, Chubais was appointed general director of the state corporation Russian Corporation of Nanotechnologies. In July 2010, the State Duma adopted a law on the reorganization of the state corporation Rusnano into an open joint stock company (OJSC), 100% of the shares of which should have been transferred to state ownership. In the same month, the law was approved by the Federation Council and signed by President D. A. Medvedev.

On December 17, 2010, by order of the Government of the Russian Federation No. 2287, the Russian Corporation of Nanotechnologies was transformed into OJSC Rusnano.

In connection with the transformation of the state corporation into OJSC Chubais, in July 2011 he was elected Chairman of the Board of OJSC Rusnano.

The initial capital of Rusnano was formed by providing it with 130 billion rubles. budget funds. Later, the corporation received state guarantees in the amount of 252 billion rubles.It was planned that the corporation would remain unprofitable until 2017, however, it was able to profit before this time. According to international financial reporting standards (IFRS), RUSNANO's profit in 2014 amounted to 8.2 billion rubles, in 2015 - 17 billion rubles, in 2016 - 4.5 billion. In 2016, the value of the assets of RUSNANO ( 138.8 billion rubles) and income from the sale of shares in projects (49 billion rubles) exceeded the total investment over the entire period (186.3 billion rubles) by 1.5 billion rubles. , and in 2017 the excess amounted to 4.6 billion rubles.

For 2007—2017. RUSNANO has built 96 plants in 37 regions of the Russian Federation. The sales volume of the Russian nanoindustry in 2016 was 1.6 trillion rubles, or approximately 1.8% of Russia's GDP. Export of the Russian nanoindustry amounted to 290 billion rubles. Net profit of Rusnano according to RAS standards amounted to 1.05 billion rubles. At the end of 2017, RUSNANO for the first time paid dividends to the state in the amount of 530 million rubles.

According to Stanislav Rozmirovich, Director of the Center for Innovation Research at the Higher School of Economics, Director of the Higher School of Economics, “Today it’s no longer necessary to say that Rusnano is a burden for the budget. No matter how they relate to Chubais, he confirmed the reputation of an effective manager. ” Chubais himself believes that “today RUSNANO is a self-financing investment mechanism.”

At the exhibition of achievements of Russian science and industry, held in the spring of 2018 in the State Duma, various samples of the products of the Rusnano portfolio companies were presented: innovative basalt fittings, foam glass, joints and implants made from bioceramics, etc.

Rusnano’s most important and successful project in the field of B2B (business to business) Chubais considers the development of solar energy. The Hevel plant built in Chuvashia has switched from the use of fully imported technology with an efficiency of 9% to the Russian heterostructure technology with an efficiency of 22%, which is one of the world's three leaders in terms of efficiency.

Rusnano was a co-investor with a 49% stake in the creation of the first Russian Micron plant, producing microcircuits with a topological size of less than 100 nanometers. Thanks to Rusnano, Russia has become an exporter of optical fiber, which was not produced in the country until 2016.

In the field of B2C (business for the consumer), the development of nuclear medicine was the most successful project of Rusnano. The company was established PET Technology, which created 11 centers of positron emission tomography for the diagnosis of cancer, cardiology and neurological diseases, as well as for the treatment of cancer by radiosurgery using the "cyberknife". 65 thousand people passed through these centers in 10 regions of the country.

At the same time, there were major failures in the activities of Rusnano. So, the project for the construction of the Polysilicon plant in the Irkutsk region failed. By the time the plant was completed, the price of a ton of polysilicon in the world market fell from $ 400 to $ 20 due to the massive construction of facilities for its production in China. The operation of the plant has become economically disadvantageous.

Another failure was the creation of the Optogan company for the production of LED lamps. The company has focused on the production of LEDs and is experiencing fierce competition from foreign manufacturers.

Most often, as a failed project, RUSNANO calls a tablet with a flexible shockproof screen, which was supposed to be used as an electronic textbook for schoolchildren. In 2010, the Russian Corporation of Nanotechnology for $ 240 million acquired a 33.75% stake in the British company Plastic Logic, which developed this screen. However, the launch of the factory for the production of flexible tablets did not take place, since their cost was higher than that of the Apple iPad launched at the time on sale. But if the flexible tablet turned out to be too expensive for the Russian market, then in China it turned out to be in demand. China has become a major buyer of Plastic Logic flexible screens. Despite the failure to launch the first flexible tablet in a series, Rusnano did not abandon the development of flexible electronics technology. In Troitsk, the construction of the Russian Center for Flexible Electronics (RCGE) has been launched. According to Chubais, "this large cluster of flexible electronics, which has already been talked about about 15 years, in three to seven years can become an absolutely realistic part of the new electronics, one of the trendsetters of the world fashion."

Some other Rusnano projects also had a difficult fate.The Liotech plant in Novosibirsk, a joint venture of Rusnano and the Chinese Thunder Sky Group, since 2011 has been producing lithium-ion batteries with a capacity of 240 Ah for buses with electric engines. In 2014, the plant was closed, and in February 2016 declared bankrupt. However, in July 2016, Liotech launched the production of new high-capacity batteries. In 2017, Liotech increased revenue to 350 million, which is 2.5 times higher than the previous year. The company began supplying batteries for energy companies, military and airfield equipment. In 2018, Liotech plans to increase the supply of car kits on lithium-ion batteries, to master the production of electric energy storage systems of high energy intensity (more than 0.5 MW • h) and compact self-contained drives. Liotech products are delivered to Argentina, in 2018 deliveries to India should begin.

The company often became the object of close attention of regulatory authorities. So, for example, in April 2013, the Auditor of the Accounts Chamber of the Russian Federation, Sergey Agaptsov, stated that a large amount of violations were revealed during the audit of Rusnano. Chubais considered the majority of the claims of the Accounting Chamber to be unfounded and explained them by the different approach of Rusnano and the Accounting Chamber to business. Rusnano, Chubais recalled, is focused on supporting nanotechnology in the country, not business, and therefore considers it necessary to save difficult projects, while the Accounts Chamber believes that in such cases it is necessary to minimize losses, sell out property and collect debts that is, to liquidate the business.

Professor Stanford University I. Stebulaev said at the International Economic Forum in St. Petersburg in the summer of 2017: “I heard that Rusnano invests in innovative companies, and then authorities come to her and arrange checks. But I would punish Rusnano if her managers invested money only where they are not lost. This would mean that they are doing something wrong. That they have no risk that innovation needs. ”

According to Deputy Minister of Economic Development O. Fomichev, Rusnano is one of the country's development institutions. In his opinion, the company's goal is not so much to attract investment, but to create enterprises based on Rusnano, which can become market champions.

In the near future, Rusnano plans to invest in the creation of wind power in Russia, as well as in the recycling of garbage. The joint project of Rostec and Rusnano includes the construction of four waste recycling plants in the Moscow Region and one more in Tatarstan. Garbage on them will be processed into thermal or electric energy.

Student years and the beginning of Chubais’s career in politics

In 1972, Anatoly became a student at the Palmiro Tolyatti Leningrad Engineering and Economic Institute. He chose the faculty of mechanical engineering. The future ideologist and leader of Russian market reforms and privatization activities graduated with honors in 1977 from his first alma mater.

Chubais's seniority began within the walls of his native institute, where he worked as an engineer, assistant and associate professor. At the same time he was writing a dissertation, which he successfully defended in 1983.

In 1980, Anatoly decided to join the ranks of the Communist Party. At that time, a democratic movement was actively developing in Leningrad. Leningrad economists organized an informal circle, led by Chubais, along with Grigory Glazkov and Yuri Yarmagayev. The fruit of their joint work was the scientific work "Improving the management of scientific and technological progress in production."

The members of the circle were also future Deputy Prime Minister Alexei Kudrin, President of the Banking House "St. Petersburg" Vladimir Kogan, the late Vice Governor of St. Petersburg Mikhail Manevich, as well as his elder brother Igor.

Scientific staff training

A. B.Chubais was invited to head the joint department of technological entrepreneurship at the Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology - RUSNANO, which was created in September 2011 with the aim of training scientists-engineers who have a good understanding of the needs of the market and entrepreneurs who are well-versed in scientific and technical trends.

Since 2014, the department has been a member of the Interuniversity program for the training of engineers in the field of high technology, along with NUST “MISiS”, NRNU MEPhI and RANEPA.

Since 2017, training at the department has become available in an online format.

State figure, chairman of the board of OJSC Rusnano

Anatoly Borisovich Chubais - Former Minister of Finance, Head of the Presidential Administration and First Deputy Prime Minister. Chubais is a remarkable person in Russian politics. His name is associated with many economic reforms, in particular global privatization in Russia, to which Russians today have a negative attitude. Since 2008, Anatoly Chubais is the general director of the state corporation Russian Corporation of Nanotechnologies, and since 2011, he has been the chairman of the board of OJSC Rusnano.

Childhood and education of Anatoly Chubais

Anatoly Borisovich Chubais was born on June 16, 1955 in the city of Borisov, Minsk Region.

Father - Boris Matveevich Chubais (1918−2000) was a soldier, a veteran of the Great Patriotic War. Since 1970, he taught at the Lviv Higher Military-Political School, and after retiring, he taught students of the Leningrad Mining Institute of Marxist-Leninist philosophy.

Mother - Raisa Efimovna Segal (according to other sources, Raisa Khaimovna Sagal, 1918−2004) was an economist by profession, she was involved in raising children.

Chubais is the real name of Anatoly Borisovich. Surname Chubais - of Latvian origin.

Anatoly was the second child in the family. His older brother is Igor Borisovich Chubais (B. 1947) - Doctor of Philosophy, professor of the Department of Social Philosophy at RUDN University.

Anatoly’s childhood was overwhelmed by the hardships of the lives of children of military personnel, although, as his brother Igor told, the father of Chubais, a lieutenant colonel, had a higher salary than average. “They didn’t die of hunger and never lived in poverty,” said Igor Chubais in an interview with KP.

He began his studies in Odessa, where his father served then, then continued his studies in Lviv, and in the fifth grade, little Chubais went to school No. 188 with military-political education already in Leningrad. As Anatoly Borisovich admitted, he hated his school.

Despite the fact that Anatoly Borisovich Chubais often listened with interest to conversations between his father and brother about politics and philosophy in childhood, Chubais was more inclined to exact sciences, and therefore he entered the Leningrad Engineering and Economics Institute. In 1977, Anatoly Borisovich Chubais graduated with honors from the institute. In 1983, Chubais became a candidate of economic sciences. Anatoly Chubais began his career at the same university, working first as an engineer, then as an assistant and, finally, as an assistant professor.

Anatoly Chubais - career politics

At the end of the seventies, Anatoly Chubais became a member of the CPSU, and in the mid-80s, Anatoly Borisovich and his supporters created the informal club Perestroika, actively conducting economic seminars. Chubais was attracted by democratic ideas, which the future politician wanted to spread among the masses. At these seminars Anatoly Borisovich met with Egor Gaidar. This acquaintance played a role in his future career as a politician.

The biography on the Chubais website also noted that in 1979-1987, Anatoly was the leader of the "informal circle of" young economists ", which was created by a group of graduates of economic universities of the city."

Further, Anatoly Chubais, as one of the leaders of the democratic movement, was elected deputy Anatoly Sobchak, this happened in 1990.

In 1991, Anatoly Chubais was offered the position of chief adviser on economic development at the Leningrad City Hall.Anatoly Borisovich created a working group to create an economic strategy for the development of the Russian economy. Further, the career of Anatoly Chubais developed rapidly in an extremely difficult period in the history of Russia. In November of the same year, Chubais became the head of the State Committee of the Russian Federation for State Property Management, and in 1992 he was appointed Deputy Prime Minister of Russia under the President Boris Yeltsin.

In 1993, Anatoly Chubais became a State Duma deputy from the Choice of Russia party.

As Deputy Prime Minister, Anatoly Chubais, together with his team, developed a well-known privatization program. As a result, 130 thousand state enterprises were in private hands. Despite the fact that it was recognized as unsatisfactory in society (on December 9, 1994, the State Duma adopted a resolution which described the results of privatization as unsatisfactory, Wikipedia says) and has been criticized so far, this has not prevented Chubais from pursuing a career and occupying more and more significant posts in the political arena.

However, Anatoly Chubais was convinced that the transfer to the oligarchs of control over enterprises with hundreds of thousands of workers helped them acquire an administrative resource that prevented the opposition Communist Party from winning the 1996 presidential election: “If we had not secured privatization, the Communists would have won the elections in 1996 ", Chubais admitted in an interview with the Financial Times in 2004.

However, the voucher, which, according to Anatoly Chubais, had the price of “two cars”, rapidly depreciated. In the country, speculation began with vouchers, and people sold them for a pittance, since they were completely impoverished. Chubais himself later wrote in a book about the importance of the “propaganda component” in the story of privatization.

In 1996, Anatoly Borisovich headed the election campaign of Boris Yeltsin. The company was successful, and Yeltsin appointed Chubais the head of the presidential administration, and a few months later he assigned the rank of current state adviser to the Russian Federation of class 1.

During 1997-1998, Anatoly Chubais served as Minister of Finance in the Government Viktor Chernomyrdin, but then, along with the Cabinet, resigned. A biography of Chubais on his website emphasizes that in 1997 he was "recognized as the best finance minister of the year by Euromoney magazine."

In 1998, Anatoly Chubais was elected head of the board of RAO UES of Russia. And again, Anatoly Borisovich started a reform - he considered it possible to restructure all the enterprises of the holding and transfer most of their shares to private investors.

In 2017, the former head of RAO UES of Russia Anatoly Chubais said at the Eastern Economic Forum that the reserve of energy capacities would be exhausted by 2023–2024.

“The withdrawal of obsolete capacities is a fundamental task of the electric power complex, as long as there is an opportunity for this, because the reserve will end by 2023–2024. It’s necessary ... to sharpen completely new mechanisms of contracts for the supply of power for global modernization, for which, God forbid, we have another 5-7 years to properly use the reserve of capacities created by the energy reform, ”Chubais quoted in the news.

The UES of Russia company was liquidated in 2008, and Anatoly Borisovich was appointed General Director of the State Russian Corporation of Nanotechnologies. In 2011, under the leadership of Chubais, the state-owned company was reorganized and re-registered as an open joint-stock company, and also became the leading innovative company in the Russian Federation.

Anatoly Chubais combined his work as an official with political activities, participated in the creation of the election block “Choice of Russia”, the party “Union of Right Forces”. On January 24, 2004, he resigned from the post of Co-Chair of the Union of Right Forces Party.

The attempt on Anatoly Chubais

In 2005, an attempt was made on Anatoly Chubais. A bomb was blown up along the route of Chubais’s car; in addition, motorcade cars were fired upon. But Anatoly Borisovich was not injured.Retired Colonel GRU detained in attempted case Vladimir Kvachkov and paratroopers of the 45th Airborne Regiment Alexander Naydenov and Robert Yashin.

In 2008, the jury of the Moscow regional court issued a verdict of guilty for the accused. Then the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation quashed the acquittal and sent the case back for a new trial. In October 2008, the case of Kvachkov, Yashin, Naydenov was combined with the case Ivan Mironovdetained in 2006 on charges of assassination.

On December 4, 2008, a decision of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation granted a cassation appeal regarding the illegal detention of Ivan Mironov. Mironov released on a guarantee signed by State Duma deputies Ilyukhin, Komoyedov, Starodubtsev and Baburin. In the summer of 2010, the jury of the Moscow Regional Court finally acquitted the three suspects.

Criticism of Anatoly Chubais

In 2009, after the accident at the Sayano-Shushenskaya hydroelectric power station, the disaster investigation commission named Chubais among six senior leaders of the Russian energy industry involved in “creating the conditions conducive to the occurrence of the accident.”

The activities of Anatoly Chubais at the head of RAO UES and RUSNANO, as well as the privatization he conducted, are very negatively perceived among the people. Chubais is one of the most unpopular politicians in Russian society. At the same time, some notes his business qualities: working capacity, good organizational skills, energy.

According to a 2006 opinion poll conducted by VTsIOM, 77% of Russians did not trust Chubais. In a 2000 FOM survey, Chubais was described as “a man acting to the detriment of Russia,” “a discreditor of reforms,” “a swindler.”

Anatoly Wasserman noted that “Chubais heads one of the state corporations, whose regular failures do not affect the state of the country as a whole. So he was taken to a safe place for others. "

The activity of Anatoly Chubais every now and then raises questions from deputies. In 2014, a request to the Prosecutor General Yuri Chaika with a request to investigate the activities of the state corporation Rusnano was sent by the first deputy chairman of the State Duma Committee on Budget and Taxes Oksana DmitrievaIn her opinion, the activities of the head of RUSNANO and other managers of the state corporation for the development of nanotechnology have signs of at least nine crimes.

Later in the news it was reported that the financial director and members of the board of the state corporation Rusnano were involved as suspects in a criminal case on suspicion of misappropriation and embezzlement, as well as abuse of official authority.

In the summer of 2015, Free Press reported that the former head of the state corporation Rosnanotech, which was later transformed into OJSC Rusnano, Leonid Melamed was arrested on suspicion of embezzlement of more than 300 million rubles. An associate of Anatoly Chubais is suspected of committing a crime under part 3 of article 33 of part 4 of article 160 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (“Organization of a major waste”). On July 10, the head of Rusnano, Anatoly Chubais, testified in this case with the Investigative Committee of Russia.

Businessman Dmitry Lerner wrote an appeal to the IC of the Russian Federation addressed to the head of the department Alexander Bastrykin, demanding to institute proceedings against Chubais.

A statement by Chubais in December 2015 that they simply have “a lot of money” made a lot of noise. “The first thing I wanted to say: we have a lot of money! There are a lot of them. That is why we have the opportunity not only to “turn over” with big money, but also to invest it in our long-term strategy! She completely resolved all the problems, including the problem of potential financial failure, ”Chubais said at the New Year’s corporate party and this speech got into the news of most media and caused a sharp reaction in society.

Then in the news it was reported that a comment published on the state corporation’s website said that the board members of the Rusnano Infrastructure and Educational Programs Fund decided to pay for the New Year’s event for the group’s employees at their own expense. The total cost was 2 million 238 thousand rubles, and a total of 415 people attended the event. Nevertheless, it became known that the Accounts Chamber of the Russian Federation is conducting an audit of the spending of Rusnano funds raised under state guarantees from 2010 to 2015.

Vice Prime Minister for Social Policy Olga Golodets invited the head of Rusnano Anatoly Chubais, who at the corporate party announced that the corporation had a lot of money, to donate funds to those who need them.

In March 2016, the media reported that the head of Rusnano asked him to allocate 89 billion rubles from the National Wealth Fund (NWF) to launch a $ 2 billion Russian-Indian fund. Press Secretary of the Head of State Dmitry Peskov Then he said that he did not know anything about this request of Chubais. But the head of Rusnano confirmed that he had really appealed to the Russian authorities with a request to allocate 89 billion rubles to the state-owned company. in order to establish a Russian-Indian fund.

In March 2017, Chubais on social networks complained of persecution by the former manager. Ilya Suchkova and others, and announced his appeal to the police in this regard. “I can’t stand judicial squabbles, but in the end I decided to file a statement with the police to institute criminal proceedings against Ilya Suchkov and a group of Chechen comrades working for him - for extortion and slander. Ilya was once the hired manager of my company, but then I sold it to him, ”Anatoly Chubais quoted the news as saying.

Statements by Anatoly Chubais

Quotes by Anatoly Chubais certainly deserve attention, and in addition to the phrase “We have a lot of money!” There are a lot of them. ” Anatoly Borisovich often openly explained the motives of his activities.

“Privatization in Russia until 1997 was not an economic process at all. She solved the main task - to stop communism. We have solved this problem. ”

"I'm a normal person. I understand that it’s hard to believe, but believe me. ”

“If you are an assistant professor, professor, head of department in a specialized field and you don’t have your own business, why the hell do I need you at all?”

“I reread Dostoevsky. And I have an almost physical hatred of this man. He is certainly a genius, but his idea of ​​Russians as an elected, holy people, his cult of suffering and the false choice that he offers make me want to tear him to pieces, "AiF quotes Chubais.

“I have an atypical attitude towards the Soviet regime. Moreover, it will cause, I think, a rather sharp negative reaction. The fact is that I hate the Soviet regime. Moreover, I hate little in life like the Soviet regime. And especially its late stage. In my life, nothing more disgusting than the late Soviet regime did not happen, ”Chubais said in an interview.

In January 2017, Anatoly Chubais, having visited the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, stated the horror of the impending global political catastrophe: “The most accurate description of today's Davos is the feeling of horror from a global political catastrophe. Moreover, mind you, nothing catastrophic happens in the economy, the global economy grew last year, growth is expected in 2017, ”he said. Chubais noted that the degree of horror among the forum participants now, in 2017, is equal to the degree of horror in 2009, when the global financial crisis unfolded. According to the head of Rusnano, amid the upcoming inauguration of the elected US president Donald Trump “All this is expressed by formulas: the world built after the Second World War is collapsing, it is no more.”

Revenues of Anatoly Chubais

In 2010, Anatoly Chubais said that in 2009, his income amounted to 202.6 million rubles, and his then wife Maria Vishnevskaya - 21.9 million rubles. Moreover, part of this money - about 12.8 million rubles, Chubais spent on charity.

The official also declared an apartment in Moscow with an area of ​​175.8 square meters. meters and two parking spaces for 30.6 square meters. meter. The common property of Chubais and his wife Maria Vishnevskaya is also a land plot (1.5 hectares) in the Moscow region, where buildings with a total area of ​​more than 2 thousand square meters are located. meters. Still in the ownership of the head of Rusnano and his wife, an SUV BMW X5, a BMW 530 XI, a Yamaha snowmobile and a caravan.

In the Forbes ranking “Power and Money. Civil Servants Income Rating 2015 ”Anatoly Chubais took 47th place with a total of 208.67 million rubles.

Personal life and hobbies of Anatoly Chubais

Anatoly Borisovich Chubais was married three times. From the first wife - Lyudmila, whom he married while still a student - he has two children: a son Alexei and daughter Olga. In the early 90s, Anatoly Borisovich married a second time to Maria Vishnevskaya. In 2012, the couple broke up. The third wife of Anatoly Chubais was the famous TV presenter, screenwriter and director Avdotya Smirnova. Chubais and Smirnova married in 2012. Chubais's third wife wrote scripts for films Alexey Teacheras the director made her debut with the movie "Communication" in 2006. Then Smirnova shot the films “Two Days” and “Kokoko”. From 2002 to 2014, Avdotya Smirnova together with Tatyana Tolstoy hosted the talk show School of Slander on NTV and Culture channels.

Anatoly Borisovich loves to travel, skiing, enjoys water tourism. Chubais also likes to drive a car. In 2014, Anatoly Chubais, chairman of the Rusnano board of directors, performed an operation to repair injuries on his wrists in a Moscow clinic. According to LifeNews, Chubais received injuries during an expedition to the mountainous part of Jordan. Local doctors put him in a cast, but upon returning to the capital, the head of Rusnano began to suffer severe pain, and he was forced to turn to the doctors again.

Of the musical affections of Anatoly Borisovich “The Beatles”, Bulat Okudzhava and Vladimir Vysotsky.

Political and social activities 1999—2019

In 1999, Chubais refused to enter the party list of the Union of Right Forces in the Duma elections. In May 2000, he was elected co-chair of the coordinating council of the SPS organizing committee, and in June 2001 at the constituent congress of the SPS party, he was elected co-chair and member of the party’s federal political council.

On September 8, 2003, the SPS congress included Chubais in the party list in the Duma elections under the third number (the first number was B. E. Nemtsov, the second was I. M. Khakamada). On December 3, 2003, at a press conference of the leaders of the Union of Right Forces in Interfax, Chubais said that in the face of the Rodina electoral bloc (leaders S. V. Glazyev and D. O. Rogozin), "national socialism raised its head in the most disgusting, the most dangerous form for Russia. ”

On October 25, 2003, on the air of the Zerkalo program (host - N.K. Svanidze), Chubais spoke out against the arrest of M. B. Khodorkovsky earlier that day. Explaining his speech, he said: “I could not speak out in defense, if only because I had something to do with the emergence of private property in Russia - I have an increased responsibility and increased sensitivity on this issue.” Chubais’s speech negatively affected the electoral results of SPS. Chubais himself said: “I thought that the protection of private property was more important for the middle class than hatred of the oligarchs. It turned out that this is not so. ” In the 2003 elections, the SPS received 4% of the vote and did not go to the Duma. In January 2004, Chubais resigned from his post as co-chair of the SPS.

According to the newspaper Kommersant, in 2007 Chubais was forced to distance himself from the Union of Right Forces and stop financing it.In the Duma elections, the SPS received 0.96% of the vote. Chubais, along with other SPS leaders, resigned, but at the SPS congress on December 17, 2007 he was re-elected to the SPS Political Council. In November 2008, the Union of Right Forces was dissolved and joined the Just Cause party. Chubais was a member of the Supreme Council of the Just Cause until June 2011, when the High Council was disbanded, and MD Prokhorov became the party leader.

January 22, 2010, a little more than a month after the death of E. T. Gaidar, the newspaper Moskovsky Komsomolets published an article by Yu. M. Luzhkov and G. Kh. Popov “Another word about Gaidar” containing an extremely negative assessment of the activity reformer. Chubais sent an open letter to the editor-in-chief of the newspaper P. Gusev, which stated that "this article is nothing more than a dirty, envious and evil lie." On June 17, 2010, the Yegor Gaidar Foundation was registered - a non-profit organization created to promote liberal values ​​and popularize the ideas and legacy of Yegor Gaidar. Chubais became chairman of the board of trustees.

Chubais is a member of the Board of Trustees of the Vera Hospice Assistance Fund.

At the expense of Chubais, there is the Exit Fund, which helps people with autism spectrum disorder, whose founder is his wife Avdotya Smirnova. Thanks to this, the fund does not spend money from sponsors for its current needs - they all go to projects.

Since February 2019, Chubais has been a member of the Supervisory Board of the Moscow Innovation Cluster Fund (MIC)


According to the latest income declarations, Chubais earns more than 200 million rubles a year, his wife is several times less.

Moreover, they own two apartments in Moscow, one in St. Petersburg, an apartment in Portugal with an area of ​​133 square meters. The family fleet consists of two BMW cars and a Yamaha snowmobile.

Where is Anatoly Chubais now? The public joint-stock company Rusnano is the organization in which the hero of our article works. Now Anatoly Chubais holds the post of chairman of the board.


Chubais is one of the most unpopular statesmen of Russia. So, according to the results of a VTsIOM opinion poll in December 2006, 77% of Russians did not trust Chubais. In the 2000 FOM survey, the overwhelming majority negatively assessed Chubais’s actions; he was described as “a man acting to the detriment of Russia”, “a discreditor of reforms”, “thief”, and “swindler”. Interviewees also negatively described his work at the head of RAO UES: “it’s very cruel to leave children without light: hospitals, kindergartens, schools”, “he cuts off electricity - children die in the hospital”. At the same time, an insignificant part of the respondents noted his business qualities: capacity for work, good organizational skills, energy. In a Romir poll in August 1999, Chubais was named one of those whose political and economic activities are most harmful to the country. Officer Vladimir Kvachkov, who was accused of organizing an attempt on Chubais, ran for the State Duma, voted 29% of voters (44 thousand people) in 199 constituencies in Moscow.

In 2008, opposition politician Garry Kasparov criticized Chubais. Kasparov, in particular, said: ““ liberal reformers “did not develop the achievements of perestroika, but rather buried them,” “in one, Chubais certainly does not dissemble - he and his associates did not lose the country. This country has lost ”,“ liberals of the 90s do not like their people and are afraid of it. ” According to Kasparov, “the deprivations of the early 90's” were in vain.

In 2013, during the “Direct Line” of Russian President Vladimir Putin, Perm journalist Sergei Malenko asked a question about Chubais’s responsibility for the reforms and the possibility of criminal prosecution.


In 2005, an attempt was made on the life of a politician. In the course of following his car in the suburbs, a bomb was blown up, the motorcade cars in which the hero of our article was traveling were fired upon.Chubais was not injured. Three people became suspects in the case - retired GRU colonel Vladimir Kvachkov, paratroopers Robert Yashin and Alexander Naydenov.

Kvachkov in prison began to engage in politics, saying that the assassination attempt on Chubais has become a form of national liberation war. However, he repeatedly stated that his involvement in the assassination attempt has not been proven.

The criminal case was examined by a jury, which acquitted all three suspects. However, the Supreme Court later quashed the decision, sending the case back for a new trial. A new suspect appeared - lawyer and writer Ivan Mironov. In August 2010, a jury re-acquitted the suspects, and almost half of the assessors issued a verdict according to which the attempt on Chubais’s life in 2005 was only an imitation.

Political Views

Chubais is considered a politician who believes that capitalism is the only way to develop Russia.

At the beginning of 2000, he was a member of the Union of Right Forces. He was even chosen as co-chair, in 2004 he resigned from this post. He returned to the party leadership after the defeat of the SPS in the State Duma elections in 2007. Then the Union of Right Forces took the eighth place out of 11 voting participants, failing to gain even one percent of the vote.

He advocates that subsidiaries be created at every higher education institution in the country. Since May 2010, he has been managing the board of trustees of the Yegor Gaidar Foundation.

However, he remains one of the most unpopular and often criticized politicians in the country. In the early 2000s, most Russians negatively evaluated his activities. A vivid evidence of how the people relate to him can be considered the fact that Kvachkov, who was accused of trying to kill Chubais, in 2005 ran for the State Duma in a single-mandate constituency. In one of the districts of Moscow, he took second place, receiving 29% of the vote.

In 2008, the activities of Chubais were criticized by a modern opposition figure Garry Kasparov. In his opinion, the liberal reformers of the early 90s were not able to develop the achievements of perestroika, but only buried them. The question is constantly being raised about the responsibility of the hero of our article for the reforms carried out, about the possibility of criminal prosecution. For example, one of the journalists addressed such a topic to President Vladimir Putin in 2013 during the Direct Line.


  • Order "For Merit to the Fatherland" IV degree (June 16, 2010) - for his great contribution to the implementation of state policy in the field of nanotechnology and many years of conscientious work
  • Certificate of Honor of the President of the Russian Federation (December 12, 2008) - for active participation in the preparation of the draft Constitution of the Russian Federation and his great contribution to the development of the democratic foundations of the Russian Federation
  • Gratitude of the President of the Russian Federation (August 14, 1995) - for active participation in the preparation and conduct of the celebration of the 50th anniversary of the Victory in the Great Patriotic War of 1941-1945
  • Gratitude of the President of the Russian Federation (July 9, 1996) - for active participation in organizing and conducting the election campaign of the President of the Russian Federation in 1996
  • Gratitude of the President of the Russian Federation (March 11, 1997) - for active participation in the preparation of the Address of the President of the Russian Federation to the Federal Assembly of 1997
  • Gratitude of the President of the Russian Federation (June 5, 1998) - for conscientious work and consistent implementation of the course of economic reforms
  • Gratitude of the President of the Russian Federation (December 29, 2006) - for merits in preparing and holding a meeting of the heads of state and government of the G8 member countries in St. Petersburg
  • Medal "For Merit to the Chechen Republic"
  • Medal "For a special contribution to the development of Kuzbass" I degree
  • The title "The Man Who Made the Most Contribution to the Development of the Russian Stock Market" by NAUFOR (1999).
  • Honorary diploma of the International Union of Economists “International Recognition” “for his great contribution to the development of Russia through the application of international best practices in the implementation of modern methods of organization of management, economics, finance and production processes” (2001).


Chubais is interested in water tourism, skiing, expeditions and adventure travel. He loves the music of The Beatles, Time Machines, and the author’s song, in particular, B. Okudzhavu and V. Vysotsky.

He was friends with B. Okudzhava, who dedicated his last poem to him, and M. Rostropovich.


Watch the video: The Hidden Lives of Russias Most Feared Power Brokers: Wealth & Economics 2002 (April 2020).